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  • 1.
    Jezierska, Katarzyna
    University West, School of Business, Economics and IT, Division of Urban Planing and Development.
    Coming out of the liberal closet: Think tanks and de-democratization in Poland2022In: Democratization, ISSN 1351-0347, E-ISSN 1743-890X, p. 1-19Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    De-democratization is a global trend, with an increasing number of governments gradually dismantling democratic institutions and norms in their countries. De-democratization can be seen as an incremental crisis that radically redraws the sociopolitical order. This article is among the first to highlight external knowledge producers in autocratizing contexts. Relying on a unique data set of 40 interviews with Polish think tankers conducted before and after the Law and Justice party came to power in 2015 and began pushing the country in an authoritarian direction, the article analyses how liberal think tanks handle de-democratization. The findings show that autocratization entails a reconfiguration of the think tank space; i.e. think tanks aligning with the government blossom and think tanks opposing the government are marginalized through a lack of public funding and access to policymakers. Second, significant changes in think tank tactics, strategies, and identities, especially among liberal organizations, are exposed. The doxic mode through which liberal think tanks produce analyses and provide policy advice as “nonpartisan experts” has shifted to the use of contentious tactics and the assumption of an openly political identity as “democracy defenders”

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  • 2.
    Jezierska, Katarzyna
    University West, School of Business, Economics and IT, Divison of Law, Economics, Statistics and Politics.
    Dangling in a Vacuum: A Presentation of Polish Think Tanks in Political Life2021In: East European Politics and Societies, ISSN 0888-3254, E-ISSN 1533-8371, Vol. 35, no 3, p. 812-836Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article belongs to the special cluster, "Think Tanks in Central and Eastern Europe", guest-edited by Katarzyna Jezierska and Serena Giusti.

    This article explores the image and reputation of think tanks in their reciprocal relationship with their environment. The aim is to unravel the logic of think tanks' institutional identity formation in the largely understudied context of Poland. How do Polish think tanks present themselves and how are they (re)presented by others? To answer these questions, the Goffmanian microsociological framework and positioning theory are adjusted to a study of institutions. The analysis of original interview and media data reveals that Polish think tanks project an image of and are perceived by the media as being weak. I argue that this image and reputation of weakness should primarily be explained by think tanks' and the media's perceptions of the political field, which confine the possible identity and positioning of think tanks.

  • 3.
    Jezierska, Katarzyna
    University West, School of Business, Economics and IT, Division of Urban Planing and Development.
    Illiberal Think Tanks2023In: The Oxford Handbook of Illiberalism / [ed] Marlène Laruelle, Oxford University Press, 2023, p. [1-15]Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Think tanks, or organizations producing and disseminating policy knowledge to influence policymakers, are a given element of political systems around the globe. Depending on the national opportunity structure, think tanks take different forms. Individual think tanks usually represent a given ideological orientation or set of values. This chapter studies think tanks that align with the illiberal political agenda in Poland. These organizations, most of which self-identify as conservative, have played a significant role in the electoral success of Law and Justice, and after the party gained power, they have helped sustain the illiberal political orientation by providing the government with policy ideas and communicating policy decisions to the broader public domestically and abroad. Conservative think tanks form the intellectual infrastructure for the illiberal government, both proactively inspiring the illiberal agenda and reactively legitimizing it to external audiences. Benefiting from illiberal policymaking, they form the illiberal knowledge regime.

  • 4.
    Jezierska, Katarzyna
    University West, School of Business, Economics and IT, Divison of Law, Economics, Statistics and Politics.
    Incredibly loud and extremely silent: Feminist foreign policy on Twitter: Feminist foreign policy on Twitter2021In: Cooperation and Conflict, ISSN 0010-8367, E-ISSN 1460-3691, Vol. 57, no 1, p. 84-107Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In 2014, Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) was announced with a fanfare. This article critically interrogates how Sweden implements the FFP through digital diplomacy by investigating the extent of Sweden’s gender equality activities on Twitter since the introduction of the FFP and by tracing gendered online abuse in digital diplomacy. I focus on Swedish embassy tweets towards two countries where feminism is highly contested – Poland and Hungary. The theoretical inspiration comes from discursive approaches to the spoken and unspoken, enriched by feminist observations about the non-binary character of voice/silence. The method applied is gender driven quantitative and qualitative content analysis. The findings demonstrate that the FFP has not set any significant mark on digital diplomacy in the analyzed cases. The launching of the FFP went completely unnoticed and posts related to gender equality have actually decreased since 2014. There are no traces of ambassadors being subjected to gendered online abuse, but heavily xenophobic and paternalistic language is directed at Sweden as a representative of liberal policies.The article contributes to the literature on digital diplomacy by highlighting the (lack of) links between foreign policy and digital diplomacy and it addresses a gap by focusing on gender in digital diplomacy.

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  • 5.
    Jezierska, Katarzyna
    University West, School of Business, Economics and IT, Division of Urban Planing and Development.
    Jaget möter den andre: alternativ till deliberativ demokrati2022In: Demokratin som bildningsväg / [ed] Abrahamsson, K., Jansson, P-O. & Åkesson, T., Stockholm: Carlsson Bokförlag, 2022, p. 93-110Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 6.
    Jezierska, Katarzyna
    University West, School of Business, Economics and IT, Division of Urban Planing and Development.
    Pecunia olet: The Funding Dilemma for Think Tanks in Poland2022In: Resourceful Civil Society: Navigating the Changing Landscapes of Civil Society Organizations / [ed] Kravchenko, Zhanna; Kings, Lisa; Jezierska, Katarzyna, Springer International Publishing , 2022, p. 37-65Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Think tanks are a special type of civil society organization engaged in research and advocacy. They produce and deliver social analysis to policymakers and the wider public, aiming to influence policy in a given direction while declaring themselves detached from vested interests. This chapter focuses on how the image of independence rhymes with think tanks’ need for significant economic resources, revealing two main strategies to resolve the resulting funding dilemma. The first strategy entails diversification of funding sources; the second is avoiding certain types of funding outright. The concrete sources that individual think tanks eschew turn out to be linked to their ideological profiles: conservative institutions highlighted foreign funding as the most problematic, while market liberal and centrist liberal institutions shunned state funding.

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    Springer
  • 7.
    Jezierska, Katarzyna
    University West, School of Business, Economics and IT, Divison of Law, Economics, Statistics and Politics.
    Performing Independence. The Apolitical Image of Polish Think Tanks2018In: Europe-Asia Studies, ISSN 0966-8136, E-ISSN 1465-3427, Vol. 70, no 3, p. 345-364Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Think tanksnon-governmental policy institutes engaged in both research and advocacyoccupy a position at the intersection of different societal fields. This interstitial position determines how they operate and what language they use. Their claim to expertise hinges upon their successful presentation as independent actors. In this endeavour, an apolitical image is crucial. This article studies the role of language in legitimising the position of think tanks. How do think tanks negotiate their apolitical image? What organisational and historical reasons sustain their claim to be apolitical? These questions will be addressed here, through original empirical material based on semi-structured interviews with Polish think tank leaders.

  • 8.
    Jezierska, Katarzyna
    University West, School of Business, Economics and IT, Divison of Law, Economics, Statistics and Politics.
    Three Types of Denial: Think Tanks as a Reluctant Civil Society Elite2020In: Politics and Governance, E-ISSN 2183-2463, Vol. 8, no 3, p. 152-161Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Think tanks, or policy advice institutions, are civil society organizations producing and delivering social analysis to policymakers and the wider public. Their aim is to influence policy in a given direction. Compared to most other civil society organizations, they hold relatively privileged positions, both in terms of wealth (on average bigger budgets and staffs), political influence (their very raison d’etre), knowledge (educational level of the staff), and social networks. Thus, it seems beyond dispute that think tanks adhere to the elite of civil society. This article focuses on think tanks’ negative self-identification, on their reluctance to accept labels. Not only are think tanks unwilling to take on the elite designation, some of them also deny being part of civil society, and some go one step further in denying identification with the think tank community. These multiple denials are expected if we recall Pierre Bourdieu’s observation that “all aristocracies define themselves as being beyond all definition” (Bourdieu, 1996, p. 316). The analysis focuses on how this definitional ambiguity is discursively constructed. Think-tankers are often described as situated in an interstitial space between such fields as politics, civil society, media, market, and academia. While this intermediary position is the source of their unique role as converters of various forms of capital, it also complicates the identity formation of think tanks. The argument is illustrated by Polish think tanks and the data consists of original interviews with think tank leaders. The article provides a novel perspective on think tanks and on civil society elites.

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  • 9.
    Jezierska, Katarzyna
    University West, School of Business, Economics and IT, Divison of Law, Economics, Statistics and Politics.
    With Habermas against Habermas: Deliberation without Consensus2019In: Journal of Public Deliberation, E-ISSN 1937-2841, Vol. 15, no 1, article id 13Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Habermas's conception of deliberative democracy combines two concepts—deliberation and consensus—which, I argue, draw his theory in two opposite directions. While deliberation and the focus on communication can be read as a predominantly open element of his theory, consensus stands for closure. The process of deliberation contrasts Habermas's normative aim of deliberation, i.e., consensus. In other words, a realized consensus (in the strong, monologic formulation that Habermas favors) would put an end to the idea of continuous public justification of validity claims, i.e., deliberation. The article argues that in order to fully use the potential of deliberation in politics, we should leave behind the notion of consensus through deliberation. Instead, understanding should be the telos of deliberation, and voting after deliberation is put forth as the optimal institutional design for decision-making settings.

  • 10.
    Jezierska, Katarzyna
    et al.
    University West, School of Business, Economics and IT, Divison of Law, Economics, Statistics and Politics.
    Giusti, Serena
    Sant’Anna School of Advanced Studies, Pisa, Italy (ITA).
    Introduction: Travelling from West to East: Think Tank Model Adaptation to Central and Eastern Europe: Think Tanks in Central and Eastern Europe2021In: East European Politics and Societies, ISSN 0888-3254, E-ISSN 1533-8371, Vol. 35, no 3, p. 755-767Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article is part of the special section "Think Tanks in Central and Eastern Europe" guest-edited by Katarzyna Jezierska and Serena Giusti.This is an introduction to the Special Section on Think Tanks in Central and Eastern Europe. Apart from this introduction, the Section includes four articles, which explore the nature and conditions of think tanks operating in Belarus, Ukraine, Czech Republic, and Poland. Think tanks are usually understood as institutions claiming autonomy whose main aim is to influence policy making based on the social analysis they produce. The most apparent blind spot in extant think tank research is its predominant focus on the English-speaking world. We argue that by focusing on think tanks in non-Western contexts, we can better understand think tanks. When studying the diffusion of the organizational form of think tanks to new contexts, it is not enough to maintain the "sender" perspective (the formulation of the institutional characteristics of think tanks in the contexts in which they first emerged). We need to complement or even modify that perspective by also taking into account the "receiver" perspective. In other words, internationally circulated ideas and institutional patterns are always interpreted and translated in local "receiving" contexts, which coproduce, reformulate, and readjust the blueprint. Our focus in this Section is therefore on the translation and local adaptation of the think tank institution in the context of Central and Eastern Europe, a region that has undergone deep changes in a relatively short period.

  • 11.
    Jezierska, Katarzyna
    et al.
    University West, School of Business, Economics and IT, Divison of Law, Economics, Statistics and Politics.
    Sörbom, Adrienne
    Södertörn University, Sweden.
    Proximity and distance: Think tanks handling the independence paradox2021In: Governance. An International Journal of Policy, Administration and Institutions, ISSN 0952-1895, E-ISSN 1468-0491, Vol. 34, no 2, p. 395-411Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The credibility of think tanks is grounded in their image as independent experts. In order to gain authority to act, think tanks must be seen as independent, but in order to exert influence and gain funding, think tanks are forced to compromise this independent image. We focus on how think tanks handle this independence paradox. How do think tanks use different resources to construct an independent image? The aim of the article is conceptual, as we develop a theoretical model of the independence paradox. This conceptual work is based on empirical analysis of attempts by think tanks in Poland and Sweden to create independence while maintaining influence. The two desirables central for think tanks, independence and influence, force them to make strategic choices about their relations with various actors. We conclude that the processes of keeping distance and arranging proximity are at the core of the independence paradox. © 2020 The Authors. Governance published by Wiley Periodicals LLC.

  • 12.
    Jezierska, Katarzyna
    et al.
    University West, School of Business, Economics and IT, Divison of Law, Economics, Statistics and Politics.
    Towns, Ann
    University of Gothenburg, Gothenburg, Sweden.
    Taming feminism?: The place of gender equality in the "Progressive Sweden" brand2018In: Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, ISSN 1751-8040, E-ISSN 1751-8059, Vol. 4, no 1, p. 55-63Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    As prior work on nation branding in Japan, Canada and Iceland has shown, gender can be an important component in nation branding. This article looks at the evolution of the idea of gender equality as a “Swedish” trait, from the initial incorporation of gender equality in Swedish state identity in the 1990s to contemporary nation branding. Based on standard discourse analysis of branding documents, branding websites and social media presence administered by the public diplomacy agency, the Swedish Institute, we show that gender equality remains a central pillar in the “Progressive Sweden” brand. In contrast with other national brands, “Progressive Sweden” is devoid of the more androcentric narratives and sexually objectifying representations of women. However, the “Progressive Sweden” narrative sports its own peculiarities, as it presents a liberal dreamscape that slides between utopian ideals and generalizations about “Sweden” as a unified actor whose population shares behaviors and goals. Discord and political struggle are written out of this narrative. Despite its rhetorical centrality in Swedish foreign policy, feminism thus disappears from view in the “Progressive Sweden” brand. The article ends with some considerations for the future of Swedish nation branding.

  • 13.
    Jezierska, Katarzyna
    et al.
    University West, School of Business, Economics and IT, Divison of Law, Economics, Statistics and Politics.
    Towns, Ann
    Department of Political Science, University of Gothenburg, Gothenburg (SWE).
    Variations on shared themes: Branding the Nordics as gender equal2021In: Gender Equality and Nation Branding in the Nordic Region / [ed] Larsen, E., Moss, S.M., Sjelsbäck, I., Routledge, 2021, p. 39-61Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter is made up of five sections in which the people compare the Nordic countries in terms of the extent to which and how gender equality features on their nation-branding websites. It begins with a discussion of Denmark and Norway, which do the least to incorporate gender equality into the national brand, before moving on to Sweden, the gender-equality branding champion. In contrast with Sweden and Finland, as the people will show below, the claims about gender equality in Denmark are furthermore modest, presented as brief, matter-of-fact statements. Clearly, and in stark contrast with the Swedish brand, as the people will show below, gender equality is briefly mentioned but not featured in the branding narrative about Denmark. Norway seems to have started working towards a national brand earlier than neighbouring states, and yet these efforts never resulted in a coordinated brand platform or an institution charged with managing a Norwegian ‘brand’.

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  • 14.
    Kravchenko, Zhanna
    et al.
    Södertörn University, Huddinge (SWE).
    Jezierska, Katarzyna
    University West, School of Business, Economics and IT, Division of Urban Planing and Development.
    Gumkowska, Marta
    Klon/Jawor Association, Warsaw (POL).
    Charycka, Beata
    Klon/Jawor Association, Warsaw (POL).
    Szafranek, Magdalena
    Institute of Applied Social Sciences, University of Warsaw (POL).
    Polish Human Rights Organizations: Resisting Institutional Pressures2022In: Resourceful Civil Society / [ed] Kravchenko, Z., Kings, L., Jezierska, K., Palgrave Macmillan, 2022, p. 93-120Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter explores human rights organizations resisting the illiberal reconfiguration of Polish society that has been spearheaded by the country’s ruling political party since 2015. By decreasing financial support, launching smearing campaigns, and engaging in intimidation practices, the political regime aims to influence the scope of economic, symbolic, human, and social resources available to human rights organizations. Using data from representative surveys and in-depth interviews with representatives of human rights organizations and other civil society organizations, we systematically examine opportunities and limitations in navigating such institutional pressures. Our study demonstrates that organizations’ characteristics and environmental conditions determine the action repertoire, including diversification of resources, coalition building, and public campaigns, that sustains an organization’s legitimacy and (re)generates various forms of support.

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  • 15.
    Kravchenko, Zhanna
    et al.
    Södertörn University, Huddinge (SWE).
    Kings, Lisa
    Södertörn University, Huddinge (SWE).
    Jezierska, Katarzyna
    University West, School of Business, Economics and IT, Division of Urban Planing and Development.
    Introduction2022In: Resourceful Civil Society: Navigating the Changing Landscapes of Civil Society Organizations / [ed] Abrahamsson, K., Jansson, P-O. & Åkesson, T., Springer Publishing Company, 2022, p. 1-34Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 16.
    Kravchenko, Zhanna
    et al.
    Södertörn University (SWE).
    Kings, LisaSödertörn University (SWE).Jezierska, KatarzynaUniversity West, School of Business, Economics and IT, Division of Urban Planing and Development.
    Resourceful civil society: navigating the changing landscapes of civil society organizations2022Collection (editor) (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This open access book examines how civil society organizations in Poland, Russia, and Sweden (re)act to transformations of opportunities and limitations in access to various forms of resources. The volume’s contributions discuss the constraints associated with different types of resources as well as organizations’ capacities to generate resources—or compensate for their lack—as they negotiate and contest barriers. The resourcefulness of civil society is revealed to be rooted in a variety of capabilities: converting resources, eliciting organizational change, and metamorphosing in response to organizational and environmental development. ​

  • 17.
    Sörbom, Adrienne
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi, Stockholm.
    Jezierska, Katarzyna
    University West, School of Business, Economics and IT, Division of Urban Planing and Development.
    Bridging or Bonding?: Think Tanks in a Polarized Context2021In: Swedish Political Science Association Annual Conference, 2021Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Social capital is still often presumed as having positive consequences for societies and communities, less benign aspects are frequently overlooked. Nevertheless, scholarship distinguishes between bridging and bonding social capital to mark that social ties might have very different effects. In this paper, we study the “darker sides” of social capital, arguing that to understand the mechanisms that may propel benign and less benign formations of social capital we need to analyze these variations in context. We focus on think tanks, i.e., policy advice institutions, who are often described as organizations bridging various social fields and brokering contacts between various individuals. We argue, however, that a sharply polarized context turns think tanks to bonding, rather than bridging institutions. Our data consists of 40 interviews with representatives from Polish think tanks, collected in two waves (in 2013 and in 2020/2021), which allows us to trace changes over time. Since the radical right wing Law and Justice came to power in 2015, Polish politics and society are deeply polarized along the axis of the socio-cultural dimension (for or against liberal democracy). The analysis indicates that the networks Polish think tanks use for their activities have transformed from bridging between various groups of organizations, to bonding between similar types of organizations.

  • 18.
    Sörbom, Adrienne
    et al.
    Department of Sociology, Södertörn University, Huddinge (SWE); Stockholm Centre for Organizational Research, Stockholm University, Stockholm (SWE).
    Jezierska, Katarzyna
    University West, School of Business, Economics and IT, Division of Urban Planing and Development.
    Social capital and polarization: The case of Polish think tanks2023In: Journal of Civil Society, ISSN 1744-8689, E-ISSN 1744-8697, Vol. 19, no 4, p. 347-365Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In this article, we study polarization within civil society. While earlier research on civil society has shown that civil society organizations can be divisive, research on polarization has only paid scant attention to the role of civil society. We bring these two aspects of the literature together to develop a framework for analyzing social capital in a polarized context. The framework helps identify practices that organizations may engage in when shaping social capital  and  working  with  others:  facilitating  the flow  of information; providing credentials for actors; influencing agents; and  reinforcing  identity  and recognition.  Importantly,  while originally developed for a fundamentally positive analysis of the mechanics of social capital, this framework includes inverted practices. In our analysis, we observe a bifurcation of actions depending on what role they play in the polarization dynamic–integrating relations within the poles or separating relations between the poles. In this sense, social capital contributes to intensified polarization. Empirically, the article is based on a dataset of 30 interviews with 24 policy-oriented civil societyorganizations (CSOs), here termed think tanks, in Poland.

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  • 19.
    Towns, Ann
    et al.
    University of Gothenburg, Gothenburg (SWE).
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Department of Government, Uppsala University, Uppsala (SWE).
    Jezierska, Katarzyna
    University West, School of Business, Economics and IT, Division of Urban Planing and Development.
    More Than a Label, Less Than a Revolution: Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy2023Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This report delivers a first systematic assessment of the implementation of the Swedish feminist foreign policy (FFP) over time and across policy areas, with a focus on bilateral development relations. The Swedish FFP was declared in 2014, as the first expressly feminist foreign policy in the world, which has since prompted a dozen other governments to follow suit. In addition to introducing feminist terminology at the highest level of foreign policy, the FFP was ground-breaking in Swedish foreign policy in at least two respects. For one, it was directed to all foreign policy areas of the foreign ministry. Whereas Swedish development policy had incorporated gender equality aims for decades, the FFP staked out a new direction for politics & security and for trade & promotion. Second, the FFP was to involve the entire foreign service and more, including not just the foreign ministry but also the public agencies executing foreign policy and the more than 100 embassies and delegations that represent Sweden in bilateral and multilateral fora around the world. A point of departure for this report is that policy is never selfexecuting. Original policy declarations need to be implemented, i.e. interpreted and put into concrete practice by civil servants in bureaucratic agencies and embassies that concretize and make something (or not) of policy aims. The overarching question at the center of this report is: given the incredibly complex Swedish foreign policy machinery, with well over one hundred relatively autonomous implementing actors in Sweden and around the world, what happened to the FFP in bilateral implementation practice? Were lofty declarations and feminist terminology converted into practical action? If so, in which policy areas and in what ways? The more specified questions are listed at the end of this summary, along with a brief answer to each question.  [. . . ]

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  • 20.
    Towns, Ann E.
    et al.
    University of Gothenburg, Department of Political Science, Gothenburg, Sweden.
    Jezierska, Katarzyna
    University West, School of Business, Economics and IT, Divison of Law, Economics, Statistics and Politics.
    Kreft, Anne-Kathrin
    University of Gothenburg, Department of Political Science, Gothenburg, Sweden.
    Niklasson, Birgitta
    University of Gothenburg, Department of Political Science, Gothenburg, Sweden.
    COVID-19 and Gender: A Necessary Connection in Diplomatic Studies2020In: The Hague Journal of Diplomacy, ISSN 1871-1901, E-ISSN 1871-191X, Vol. 15, no 4, p. 636-647Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The COVID-19 crisis has fundamentally gendered effects, on intimate partner violence, the division of care labour, healthcare and more. This, and other COVID-19-related changes, may have important consequences for the gendered practice of diplomacy. This essay therefore discusses COVID-19 to highlight the need to pay better attention to gender in the study of diplomacy. For instance, what are the gender dimensions of diplomacy moving online? What are the gendered implications of the increased pressures on consular diplomacy? Turning to longer-term issues, how do gender justice organisations that respond to COVID-19 target diplomats and embassies? How, in turn, do diplomats respond to such advocacy and the underlying problems they address, and does the recent increase in women diplomats make any difference? Gender and diplomacy are intimately interwoven, this essay contends, and understanding the implications of COVID-19 on diplomacy necessitates examining this connection.

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